President Barack Obama’s counterterrorism speech Thursday was predictably and perhaps characteristically, frustrating. In what
seems to have become his modus-operandi, President Obama said all the right
things, acknowledging that the war on terror cannot and should not, be
sustained indefinitely. But, as usual, he was short on specific plans or
legislative actions to put his vast promises into concrete action.
That did not stop the Obama Cheering Squad (a.k.a.,
the corporate media) from salivating in orgasmic ecstasy over the entire
speech, though.
A lengthy New
York Times editorial lauds the president’s address, calling it a “momentous
turning point in post-9/11 America” (“The End of Perpetual War,” 5/24/13). The Times editors conclude the piece, “There
have been times when we wished we could hear the right words from Mr. Obama on
issues like these, and times we heard the words but wondered about his
commitment. This was not either of those moments.”
Well, I’m glad the NYT is apparently so easily satisfied. The rest of us, however, may
need a lot more convincing beyond Obama’s rhetoric, lofty as it may be.
Bob Dreyfus of The
Nation hails the president’s speech as “important and transformative”
(“Global War on Terror, RIP,” 5/24/13). Dreyfus then goes on to defend Obama’s
use of unmanned predator drones, or simply “the drone issue,” as he calls it.
He writes: “First of all, a drone is just another weapon in the American
arsenal, not unlike cruise missiles which President Clinton unloaded on Al
Qaeda in 1998, and other lethal power.”
Except that, to my knowledge at least, Clinton never
used cruise missiles to illegally and arbitrarily target American citizens. Indeed, it is astounding how blithely Dreyfus
minimizes “the drone issue” as though it is an afterthought. Then again, given some
80 percent of liberals approve of drones, I suppose I should not be surprised.
Certainly, there is no doubt the “War on Terror,” or
the “Global Struggle Against Extremism,” or whatever made-for-newspaper-headlines
label we are supposed use for it now, must end. I just would not hold my breath
waiting for Obama to end it. Obama is, in many respects, a greater warmonger
than George W. Bush. Upon accepting his absurdly undeserved Nobel Peace Prize
shortly after taking office, President Obama disingenuously invoked the peace
activism of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. only to then attempt to discredit the
approach.
“[A]s a head of state sworn to protect and defend my
nation, I cannot be guided by their [King and Gandhi’s] examples alone,” Obama
said.
“I
face the world as it is and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the
American people. For make no mistake: evil does exist in the world. A
non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiations cannot
convince al-Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is
sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism—it is a recognition of history… So
yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace.”
Yet, how can Obama say for certain that negotiations
with al-Qaeda would prove fruitless?
Al-Qaeda leaders have proposed peace negotiations—on
the condition the U.S. leave Afghanistan and Iraq, and Israel withdraw from the
Palestinian Occupied Territories—twice in the last ten years and the Bush and
Obama administrations have both promptly dismissed them outright. Once again,
the “politically practical”—military aggression, in this case—trumps the “naïve
altruism” of peace and nonviolence. Perhaps the real reason peace is not
considered a “realistic” foreign policy option is because weapons
manufacturers—like tax-dodging NBC owners, General Electric—cannot make any
money off it.
The United States has been at war with al-Qaeda and
other affiliated organizations for over a decade now. The war in Afghanistan is
the longest war in U.S. history. And while the military combat in Iraq may
be technically over, the corporate occupation remains very much in place.
According to the nonprofit Project On Government Oversight (POGO),
14,000-16,000 private contractors and U.S. corporations—including such
heavyweights as KBR, DynCorp and Blackwater/Academi—maintain a strong presence
in Iraq. And those are just the officially declared wars most Americans are
cognizant of. We also deliver daily bombings, via unmanned predator drones, to
Pakistan, Somalia, Libya and Yemen.
The “war on terror,” like the Cold War of the 1950s,
is an open-ended, potentially endless conflict against an ambiguous,
ill-defined enemy and a culture—Islam, essentially—which we stubbornly refuse
to understand. Rather than educating ourselves about the Islamic religion or
the history and culture of the Middle East, we instead hide behind the
infantile question, “Why do they hate us?” (The correspondingly infantile
answer: “They hate us because of our freedom.”) The actual answer, of course,
likely has less to do with how much “freedom” we enjoy, and the degree to which
we, through our ongoing efforts of pre-emptive war, militarization and
occupation, inflict upon the rest of the world the same sort of barbaric
violence we vehemently decry when unleashed upon us.
And therein lays the bitter irony of the war on
terror. Our imperialist actions—carried out in the name of fighting
terrorism—only serve to create more hostility against America, thus leading to
more terrorist attacks. According to Guardian
blogger, Glenn Greenwald, this is, in fact, the point. In a piece from earlier
this year, Greenwald called the terror war, “a pure and perfect system of
self-perpetuation” (“The ‘War on Terror’—by Design—Can Never End,” 01/04/2013).
He writes:
“…what
one can say for certain is that there is zero reason for US officials to want
an end to the war on terror, and numerous and significant reasons why they
would want it to continue. It’s always been the case that the power of
political officials is at its greatest, its most unrestrained, in a state of
war…
If
you were a US leader, or an official of the National Security State, or a
beneficiary of the private military and surveillance industries, why would you
possibly want the war on terror to end? That would be the worst thing that
could happen. It’s that war that generates limitless power, impenetrable
secrecy, an unquestioning citizenry, and massive profit.”
The war on terror, therefore, can never end. Not,
that is, unless We the People force that ending through massive organized
resistance, nonviolent civil disobedience and by abandoning the two corporate parties that enable (and benefit from) this war of terror’s continuation.
“The war is not meant to be won,” George Orwell
wrote prophetically in 1984, “it is
meant to be continuous.”
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